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发信人: Systems (落叶), 信区: English
标 题: Full text: Bush's speech
发信站: 哈工大紫丁香 (2003年03月18日19:27:37 星期二), 站内信件
Full text: Bush's speech
A transcript of George Bush's war ultimatum speech from the Cross Hall in th
e White House
Tuesday March 18, 2003
My fellow citizens, events in Iraq have now reached the final days of decisi
on. For more than a decade, the United States and other nations have pursued
patient and honorable efforts to disarm the Iraqi regime without war. That
regime pledged to reveal and destroy all its weapons of mass destruction as
a condition for ending the Persian Gulf War in 1991.
Since then, the world has engaged in 12 years of diplomacy. We have passed m
ore than a dozen resolutions in the United Nations Security Council. We have
sent hundreds of weapons inspectors to oversee the disarmament of Iraq. Our
good faith has not been returned.
The Iraqi regime has used diplomacy as a ploy to gain time and advantage. It
has uniformly defied Security Council resolutions demanding full disarmamen
t. Over the years, U.N. weapon inspectors have been threatened by Iraqi offi
cials, electronically bugged, and systematically deceived. Peaceful efforts
to disarm the Iraqi regime have failed again and again -- because we are not
dealing with peaceful men.
Intelligence gathered by this and other governments leaves no doubt that the
Iraq regime continues to possess and conceal some of the most lethal weapon
s ever devised. This regime has already used weapons of mass destruction aga
inst Iraq's neighbors and against Iraq's people.
The regime has a history of reckless aggression in the Middle East. It has a
deep hatred of America and our friends. And it has aided, trained and harbo
red terrorists, including operatives of al Qaeda.
The danger is clear: using chemical, biological or, one day, nuclear weapons
, obtained with the help of Iraq, the terrorists could fulfill their stated
ambitions and kill thousands or hundreds of thousands of innocent people in
our country, or any other.
The United States and other nations did nothing to deserve or invite this th
reat. But we will do everything to defeat it. Instead of drifting along towa
rd tragedy, we will set a course toward safety. Before the day of horror can
come, before it is too late to act, this danger will be removed.
The United States of America has the sovereign authority to use force in ass
uring its own national security. That duty falls to me, as Commander-in-Chie
f, by the oath I have sworn, by the oath I will keep.
Recognizing the threat to our country, the United States Congress voted over
whelmingly last year to support the use of force against Iraq. America tried
to work with the United Nations to address this threat because we wanted to
resolve the issue peacefully. We believe in the mission of the United Natio
ns. One reason the UN was founded after the second world war was to confront
aggressive dictators, actively and early, before they can attack the innoce
nt and destroy the peace.
In the case of Iraq, the Security Council did act, in the early 1990s. Under
Resolutions 678 and 687 - both still in effect - the United States and our
allies are authorized to use force in ridding Iraq of weapons of mass destru
ction. This is not a question of authority, it is a question of will.
Last September, I went to the U.N. General Assembly and urged the nations of
the world to unite and bring an end to this danger. On November 8, the Secu
rity Council unanimously passed Resolution 1441, finding Iraq in material br
each of its obligations, and vowing serious consequences if Iraq did not ful
ly and immediately disarm.
Today, no nation can possibly claim that Iraq has disarmed. And it will not
disarm so long as Saddam Hussein holds power. For the last four-and-a-half m
onths, the United States and our allies have worked within the Security Coun
cil to enforce that Council's long-standing demands. Yet, some permanent mem
bers of the Security Council have publicly announced they will veto any reso
lution that compels the disarmament of Iraq. These governments share our ass
essment of the danger, but not our resolve to meet it. Many nations, however
, do have the resolve and fortitude to act against this threat to peace, and
a broad coalition is now gathering to enforce the just demands of the world
. The United Nations Security Council has not lived up to its responsibiliti
es, so we will rise to ours.
In recent days, some governments in the Middle East have been doing their pa
rt. They have delivered public and private messages urging the dictator to l
eave Iraq, so that disarmament can proceed peacefully. He has thus far refus
ed. All the decades of deceit and cruelty have now reached an end. Saddam Hu
ssein and his sons must leave Iraq within 48 hours. Their refusal to do so w
ill result in military conflict, commenced at a time of our choosing. For th
eir own safety, all foreign nationals - including journalists and inspectors
- should leave Iraq immediately.
Many Iraqis can hear me tonight in a translated radio broadcast, and I have
a message for them. If we must begin a military campaign, it will be directe
d against the lawless men who rule your country and not against you. As our
coalition takes away their power, we will deliver the food and medicine you
need. We will tear down the apparatus of terror and we will help you to buil
d a new Iraq that is prosperous and free. In a free Iraq, there will be no m
ore wars of aggression against your neighbors, no more poison factories, no
more executions of dissidents, no more torture chambers and rape rooms. The
tyrant will soon be gone. The day of your liberation is near.
It is too late for Saddam Hussein to remain in power. It is not too late for
the Iraqi military to act with honor and protect your country by permitting
the peaceful entry of coalition forces to eliminate weapons of mass destruc
tion. Our forces will give Iraqi military units clear instructions on action
s they can take to avoid being attacked and destroyed. I urge every member o
f the Iraqi military and intelligence services, if war comes, do not fight f
or a dying regime that is not worth your own life.
And all Iraqi military and civilian personnel should listen carefully to thi
s warning. In any conflict, your fate will depend on your action. Do not des
troy oil wells, a source of wealth that belongs to the Iraqi people. Do not
obey any command to use weapons of mass destruction against anyone, includin
g the Iraqi people. War crimes will be prosecuted. War criminals will be pun
ished. And it will be no defense to say, "I was just following orders."
Should Saddam Hussein choose confrontation, the American people can know tha
t every measure has been taken to avoid war, and every measure will be taken
to win it. Americans understand the costs of conflict because we have paid
them in the past. War has no certainty, except the certainty of sacrifice.
Yet, the only way to reduce the harm and duration of war is to apply the ful
l force and might of our military, and we are prepared to do so. If Saddam H
ussein attempts to cling to power, he will remain a deadly foe until the end
. In desperation, he and terrorists groups might try to conduct terrorist op
erations against the American people and our friends. These attacks are not
inevitable. They are, however, possible. And this very fact underscores the
reason we cannot live under the threat of blackmail. The terrorist threat to
America and the world will be diminished the moment that Saddam Hussein is
disarmed.
Our government is on heightened watch against these dangers. Just as we are
preparing to ensure victory in Iraq, we are taking further actions to protec
t our homeland. In recent days, American authorities have expelled from the
country certain individuals with ties to Iraqi intelligence services. Among
other measures, I have directed additional security of our airports, and inc
reased Coast Guard patrols of major seaports. The Department of Homeland Sec
urity is working closely with the nation's governors to increase armed secur
ity at critical facilities across America.
Should enemies strike our country, they would be attempting to shift our att
ention with panic and weaken our morale with fear. In this, they would fail.
No act of theirs can alter the course or shake the resolve of this country.
We are a peaceful people - yet we're not a fragile people, and we will not
be intimidated by thugs and killers. If our enemies dare to strike us, they
and all who have aided them, will face fearful consequences.
We are now acting because the risks of inaction would be far greater. In one
year, or five years, the power of Iraq to inflict harm on all free nations
would be multiplied many times over. With these capabilities, Saddam Hussein
and his terrorist allies could choose the moment of deadly conflict when th
ey are strongest. We choose to meet that threat now, where it arises, before
it can appear suddenly in our skies and cities.
The cause of peace requires all free nations to recognize new and undeniable
realities. In the 20th century, some chose to appease murderous dictators,
whose threats were allowed to grow into genocide and global war. In this cen
tury, when evil men plot chemical, biological and nuclear terror, a policy o
f appeasement could bring destruction of a kind never before seen on this ea
rth.
Terrorists and terror states do not reveal these threats with fair notice, i
n formal declarations - and responding to such enemies only after they have
struck first is not self-defense, it is suicide. The security of the world r
equires disarming Saddam Hussein now.
As we enforce the just demands of the world, we will also honor the deepest
commitments of our country. Unlike Saddam Hussein, we believe the Iraqi peop
le are deserving and capable of human liberty. And when the dictator has dep
arted, they can set an example to all the Middle East of a vital and peacefu
l and self-governing nation.
The United States, with other countries, will work to advance liberty and pe
ace in that region. Our goal will not be achieved overnight, but it can come
over time. The power and appeal of human liberty is felt in every life and
every land. And the greatest power of freedom is to overcome hatred and viol
ence, and turn the creative gifts of men and women to the pursuits of peace.
That is the future we choose. Free nations have a duty to defend our people
by uniting against the violent. And tonight, as we have done before, America
and our allies accept that responsibility.
Good night, and may God continue to bless America.
--
We are angels with but one wing.
To fly we must embrace each other.
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