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发信人: Porod (扬之水◎Love in One Day), 信区: English
标 题: Trouble with trade
发信站: 哈工大紫丁香 (Tue Apr 3 10:22:05 2007), 转信
Trouble with trade
Apr 2nd 2007
From Economist.com
George Bush will have difficulty striking trade deals from now on
AFP
WITH the clock ticking down to the day he leaves office, George Bush has
been trying to seal a few more trade deals. But since the Democrats took
over the House and Senate, bringing in a new crop of more protectionist politicians
, it has looked doubtful that the president would manage to do so. His trade
-promotion authority, the negotiating mandate necessary for the White House
to conclude deals, expires at the end of June.
It was never likely that Mr Bush would see “fast track” authority renewed
without a squabble, even under a Republican Congress. But the new Democratic
Congress has made it plain that they do not intend to give Mr Bush any quarter
. When it became clear that his trade authority would not be renewed without
big concessions it meant that the de facto deadline for concluding any new
deals would come this weekend. Under the rules of fast track, Mr Bush must
give Congress notice of 90 days for any deals he intends to sign. And so
, at the last minute, his negotiators in Seoul finally inked a trade agreement
with South Korea, America's biggest such deal since the North American Free
-Trade Agreement.
However, the Democrats’ more populist wing still intends to have its say
. Mr Bush will have to meet a long list of conditions before getting agreement
on the deals currently proposed. (Prior to South Korea, his administration
announced deals with Peru, Colombia and Panama.) Some are anodyne remedies
, such as greater trade-adjustment assistance for displaced workers. Others
, however, are likely to prove serious barriers to expanding trade, particularly
an insistence on strict labour and environmental standards for any trading
partners.
Ostensibly, the purpose is to protect foreign citizens from rapacious American
corporations. The effect, however, will be to price foreign labour out of
the global market. Those left in poverty will probably not thank their American
protectors. The Democrats’ allies in the American labour movement are right
that these deals are of far greater benefit to the other partners than to
America. But this is because the deals simply will not matter much to American
workers; a massive boon to tiny Panama would barely make a mark on America
’s $13 trillion economy. The biggest cost to America of all this is probably
the lost opportunity to spread goodwill.
The Bush administration, sensing it is beaten, has been seeking compromise
: a weakening of labour standards, for example. But the protectionists have
the upper hand. Despite a dispiriting start that saw the imposition of steel
tariffs, the Bush administration has made great efforts on trade, pushing
forward with both multilateral and bilateral deals. Its biggest goal, a
substantive deal from the Doha round of World Trade Organisation negotiations
, is currently on life support. But the administration has managed to secure
a variety of smaller deals, while letting steel tariffs die a death at the
hands of the WTO. Now even progress of that sort may end.
Already, the Democratic influence is showing on the administration’s trade
team. On Friday March 30th it announced that it was imposing countervailing
tariffs on Chinese manufacturers of high-gloss paper to offset indirect
subsidies they get from the state. America has usually steered clear of this
sort of action against state-run economies, saying it is prohibitively difficult
to calculate excess subsidies. But the gaping trade deficit with China,
and growing protectionist forces, have altered the political calculus. New
tariffs of up to 20% will be imposed immediately. The American economy will
survive without cheap Chinese paper products. But this could open the way
to tariffs on a wide variety of critical products and signals an unwelcome
shift in American trade policy.
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