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发信人: Porod (扬之水◎Love in One Day), 信区: English
标 题: An American camping trip
发信站: 哈工大紫丁香 (Sat Apr 28 07:51:53 2007), 转信
An American camping trip
Apr 27th 2007 | TOKYO
From Economist.com
Shinzo Abe has taken months to get to America, but his low-key Camp David
summit with George Bush may be significant
AFP
TIME was when the first thing a newly appointed Japanese prime minister did
was shuffle straight off to Washington, DC, to pay respects to its military
protector, the senior partner of the United States-Japan alliance. Personal
relationships between the two countries’ leaders were admittedly not easily
cordial—stiff prime ministers would squirm in dumb embarrassment as the
American president joshed in first-name bonhomie. But things changed with
George Bush and the last prime minister, Junichiro Koizumi, a maverick who
retired in September. The two appeared to get on famously. After all, Mr
Koizumi had instantly thrown Japanese moral and practical support behind
America after September 11th. He had sent refuelling ships to the Indian
Ocean to help in the war against the Taliban in Afghanistan and then peacekeeping
troops to Iraq. These were the first times pacifist Japan had sent forces
to combat zones since the second world war. As a thank you, last summer
Mr Bush took Mr Koizumi to Graceland, where Japan’s leader got behind Elvis
Presley’s sunglasses and played air guitar.
Mr Abe is no Koizumi. Though at 52 he is Japan’s youngest prime minister
since the second world war (and the first to have been born after it), he
has none of the maverick charm—to supply this, he is bringing his more
glamorous wife, Akie, who was once a DJ. It is hard to imagine stiff Mr Abe
having Mr Koizumi’s easy rapport with the president, though both men’s
grandfathers admittedly once had a round of golf together. Commentators
have noted that the prime minister has taken seven months since his appointment
to make it to the American capital, while it took him less than two weeks
to travel to Beijing and Seoul.
For all that, there are reasons to think that the alliance may work better
under Mr Abe even than under Mr Koizumi, and one reason is Mr Abe’s fast
work in improving Japan’s ties with its neighbours. Under Mr Koizumi, Japan
’s relations with China went from poor to worse because of the prime minister
’s pig-headed visits to Yasukuni, Tokyo’s militarist war shrine; South
Korea was also offended. Mr Abe’s visit to China (followed by South Korea
on the way back) has allowed for a new mood to set in. Earlier in April
Wen Jiabao made a visit to Japan, the first by a Chinese prime minister in
more than six years, and pronounced the ice to be melting. Mr Abe is much
more of a nationalist by ideology than is Mr Koizumi, so this warming caught
many by surprise. Yet it is evidence that Mr Abe has a pragmatic streak
in pursuing Japan’s national interest.
Though Mr Bush is unlikely ever to have lectured his friend Mr Koizumi, poor
relations between Japan and China were starting to threaten American aims
. The United States wants to tie a rising China in as a “responsible stakeholder
” of the international system; over the headache of a nuclear North Korea
, it needs Chinese co-operation. Neither goal is served by its chief Asian
ally’s poor relations with China. Nobody in the Bush administration, in
other words, takes offence that Mr Abe addressed China before the United
States.
Certainly, Mr Abe will reaffirm the alliance as still the cornerstone of
Japan’s security policy. As for Mr Abe’s desire that Japan play a bigger
role in the world—through peacekeeping ventures, a more robust military
and indeed change to the pacifist constitution to allow for collective self
-defence: all that will be interpreted by America as a welcome sense of “
burden-sharing”.
In practical terms, America is (profitably) selling anti-missile defences
to Japan to protect against North Korea. “Interoperability” is still the
challenge between the two allies’ armed forces: a Japanese defence force
better co-ordinated with the American military would allow the United States
to withdraw somewhat from Japan. The plan is for marines currently in Okinawa
to retreat to a base in Guam. But this has for years been a delicate political
issue in Japan. Mr Abe will have to spend political capital at home to overcome
local resistance to a new forward base to be built off the Okinawan coast
for use in times of emergency, as well as to agree that Japan should foot
the bill. If Mr Abe shows willing, Mr Bush is likely to reaffirm America
’s promise of “extended deterrence”: in other words, Japan can shelter
from North Korea under America’s nuclear umbrella.
Japan has hopes outside security. One of the chief practical successes of
Mr Wen’s recent visit to Tokyo was an agreement for Japan and China to
work together on environmental technologies—Japan is a victim of China’
s growing pollution. At the Camp David retreat with Mr Bush, Mr Abe will
stress the importance of tackling climate change. America is not a signatory
of the Kyoto protocol, whose first commitment stage expires in 2012, and
it would be a coup for Mr Abe if Mr Bush, an envirosceptic, commits wholeheartedly
to the issue. The Democratic leadership in Congress will be more receptive
.
Not all will be sweetness and light. In early March, Mr Abe prevaricated
over the kind of historical issue that always seems to thrust its way into
the present with Japan: whether Asian and indeed European women were forced
during the second world war to act as sex slaves to the Japanese military
. Congressman Michael Honda has postponed tabling a resolution calling for
an unequivocal apology from Japan until he hears what Mr Abe has to say
in America. For its part, the Bush administration has said that this history
spat will not derail relations.
And then there’s always beef. Japan suspended imports of American beef after
a single case of mad-cow disease in 2003. Briefly, it resumed them, but
suspended them again after finding poor practice at an abattoir. At the least
, Mr Abe will have to profess himself eager to be eating an American steak
again in Tokyo before very long.
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困境有一种特殊的科学价值,有智慧的人是不会放弃这个通过它而进行学习的机会的。
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