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发信人: Christy (绿叶~~捣鼓六仙捣毁仙), 信区: English
标 题: A Piece everyday
发信站: 哈工大紫丁香 (2002年07月12日20:15:15 星期五), 站内信件
Hash on the high street
David Blunkett tried to wrongfoot libertarians and authoritarians with his d
rugs plan. But he's given us a muddle which won't work
Peter Lilley
Friday July 12, 2002
The Guardian
Before announcing his new policy on cannabis, David Blunkett should have rem
embered the old Yorkshire proverb: "Even though a horse has four legs it can
not go in two directions at once." Still less can home secretaries move drug
s policy in a more liberal and a more penal direction simultaneously. Not su
rprisingly, in trying to do so he fell flat on his face and, far more seriou
s, may have given us the worst of all worlds.
He wants to reduce penalties on cannabis use and possession while increasing
penalties for its sale. This will do nothing to discourage demand but conti
nue to drive cannabis users into the arms of illegal gangs who also push her
oin and cocaine.
There are two coherent approaches to cannabis. One is the Swedish policy of
rigorous prohibition. It has had some success but it involves mandatory puni
shment or treatment of users and operates in a society which is highly restr
ictive even of alcohol. The reaction when Ann Widdecombe proposed rather les
s draconian measures suggests that approach would not be accepted in this co
untry.
On the other hand there is the Dutch approach, which separates the supply of
cannabis from that of hard drugs by allowing legal but regulated outlets fo
r cannabis. The result has been a lower level of cannabis use than in the UK
and far fewer people migrating on to hard drugs. Heroin addicts in Holland
are an ageing group with few new recruits.
Sadly Blunkett has opted for neither approach. Above all he has done nothing
to separate the supply of cannabis from the people who push hard drugs. If
anything, increasing the penalty on selling cannabis to a maximum of 14 year
s will mean that only the more hardened criminals - precisely those who hand
le hard drugs - will remain in the market. When I asked him in parliament ho
w he proposed to stop driving cannabis users into the arms of hard drug push
ers he simply ignored the question.
The problem seems to be that he believed he could wrongfoot both the liberta
rians (by reclassifying) and the authoritarians (by announcing increased pen
alties). But drugs policy is far too serious an issue to play political game
s. We need clarity not confusion.
Sadly he seems to have ignored the lessons of Brixton. Merely relaxing enfor
cement of the law on cannabis use has not worked. It has made the dealers bo
lder, and made it easier for them to push hard drugs.
The starting point for reform must be that the present policy does not work.
It has proved unenforcable. Over 40% of young people have defied the law an
d over a million people used cannabis last month despite fairly severe penal
ties. The number of people arrested for cannabis offences has quadrupled to
nearly 100,000 a year, yet the police and courts enforce the law with dimini
shing enthusiasm.
The law is indefensible in a society which allows the sale of alcohol and to
bacco. But the attempt to enforce it results in a huge diversion of resource
s away from tackling hard drugs; it undermines respect for the law; it creat
es friction between police and ethnic minorities; it enriches the illegal ga
ngs who are given a monopoly of supply; and above all it drives soft-drugs u
sers into the arms of hard-drugs pushers.
To tackle those problems requires clear thinking, not obfuscation. Sadly, Bl
unkett's attempt to have it both ways has just sown confusion.
We are told it is less wrong than it used to be to buy cannabis, but more wr
ong to sell it. Users are told they will no longer be arrested for cannabis
possession - but they may be prosecuted. Police are told they can no longer
arrest, but then told yes they can if use threatens public order. Dealers wi
ll hope they can avoid prosecution just for possession if they are not actua
lly caught in the act of selling.
When I started looking at this issue, I imagined that there might be some ha
lf-way house: reducing penalties or relaxing enforcement. But on any rationa
l analysis it was clear that they would not resolve the problems created by
the present laws.
As long as cannabis use, sale and cultivation are criminal offences, diminis
hing, or rarely enforcing, penalties on use will not restore respect for the
law, release resources to tackle hard drugs, remove cannabis from enriching
gangsterdom and, above all, will not separate cannabis users from the sourc
es of hard drugs. The only solution is to license some legal outlets for the
sale of cannabis.
To be fair, reclassification may bring two modest benefits. It will make it
clear that there is a marked distinction between cannabis and hard drugs. Al
l too often the "war on drugs" wilfully confused hard and soft drugs. The re
sult was that young people were more likely to dismiss warnings against hard
drugs.
More important, now cannabis possession is no longer an arrestable offence t
here should be no need to carry out all the 300,000 stop and searches for dr
ugs. Only 12% of these ever found drugs, but they caused immense friction be
tween police, the young and ethnic minorities in particular.
No one pretends that it will be easy to move to a sensible policy on drugs.
It will require courage as well as cunning. I always thought David Blunkett
possessed both. If ever a government was in a position to take bold action,
surely it is this one. It has an overwhelming parliamentary majority. Most o
f its MPs do, in their hearts, want to move towards legalisation of cannabis
. Yet it is strangely reluctant to do what it knows is right if the focus gr
oups and tabloids are not on their side.
When John Major was struggling to survive with a majority of one he was deri
ded as being "in office, not in power". Tony Blair has power but, lacking an
y purpose, seems strangely reluctant to use it to do what is right.
Peter Lilley is Conservative MP for Hitchin and Harpenden and a former socia
l security secretary
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